| Wednesday, December 14, 2011.  Chaos and violence continue, a rally takes  place in Falluja, new information on contractor violence in Iraq emerges,  Moqtada's not pleased with Nouri's trip to the US, Joe Biden makes a statement  he shouldn't have, and more.   The reposturing of the US military (DoD's term) means that many US troops  have left Iraq though some will remain in Iraq after January 1st and some will  remain in the surrounding areas.  That tens of thousands have left resulted in  celebration today . . . in Iraq.  Deng Shasha (Xinhua) reports, "Thousands  of Iraqis rallied Wednesday in the central city of Fallujah, once the epicenter  of anti-U.S. insurgency, celebrating the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq.   The demonstrators set U.S. and Israeli flags on fire and raised Iraqi flags  along with banners saying 'the people want occupation be removed,' and Fallujah  is the flame of resistance and symbol of liberation'."  No, that's not how it  was in Germany at the end of WWII.  But then, at the end of WWII, the US  government didn't have to pay local leaders to guarantee that US troops could  depart safely as they've had to do with tribal sheikhs in Iraq.  Aswat al-Iraq also covers the protests,  "The demonstration had witnessed reading of poems and verses, commemorating the  victims who fell due to American attacks, whilst some of the demonstrators  raised the previous Iraqi flag, with 3 stars and burnt American and Israeli  flags, along with raising placards expressing their rejoice for the American  withdrawal from Iraq, including 'Falluja, the Spark of Resistance and Address of  Liberation'." Press TV notes, "Burning US and Israeli flags and carrying  photos of Fallujah residents killed by US forces after the 2003 US-led invasion,  the demonstrators on Wednesday described resistance against American invaders  key to their country's freedom.  The demonstration was dubbed the first annual  'festival to celebrate the role of the resistance'."  Al Jazeera adds, "Widespread fighting in Fallujah  against the occupation begun in 2003, after a controversial event known as the  'pupil's' uprising. The US military had turned a primary school into their city  headquarters in April 2003.  When 200 demonstrators gathered outside asking for  the school to be reopened, US forces opened fire, killing at least 13 civilians  and injuring dozens."   Along with protesters in Iraq today, the country also a visit from a US  official.  Dar Addustour reports US Secretary  of Defense Leon Panetta arrived in Baghdad today on "an unannounced visit" --  all this time later, US officials still have to sneak into Iraq. But 'with  honor!' Barack would insist, 'with honor!' Al Rafidayn notes he is expected to  attend a ceremony in Baghdad Thursday.  Simon Tisdall (Guardian) observes, "The  idea that the Iraq war is over is attractive but deeply misleading." Erik Slavin (Stars and Stripes)  explains, that military hardware Iraq is ordering from the US will include  trainers, "Following years of training and reorganizing the Iraqi army, a mix of  157 servicemembers and Defense Department civilians working for the State  Department's Office of Security Cooperation-Iraq will oversee what they hope  will be the next big step: the modernization of three Iraqi army divisions by  Dec. 31, 2014. [. . .]  The training the contractors will provide is included in  the prices of acquiring the various weapons systems.   Joe Johns: Not to be too cynical, several thousand U.S. nonmilitary  personnel and contractors will end up on the ground after the military leave.  Are those people there for Iraq or are they there for the United  States?   Fareed Zakaria: Well, it's a little bit of both. They are, in a  sense, disguising the drawdown so it is not a drawdown quite to zero. We have  some paramilitary forces, some who are protecting the embassy, embassy  personnel, USAID people. There's going to be a fairly healthy contingent, I'm  sure, of CIA people. There'll be people from the DEA. You add that together and  the United States will have a certain kind of offensive presence in Iraq.  It's entirely justified. The U.S. consulate in Basra is minutes  from the Iranian border. What were to happen if some Iranian thugs were to cross  the border and try to launch an attack on the U.S. consulate in Basra? Well,  you've got to be able to protect yourself. The U.S. is appropriately taking  precautions so they don't end up in some situation that looks like the Iran  hostage crisis all over again.          Thousands of field reports filed by private security contractors  operating in Iraq have been made available to the public for the first  time.  The documents reveal details of nearly 200 shootings by contractors  working in the country for companies hired by the US government between 2005 and  2007.       Andrea Mitchell: There were reports, plenty of reports, that the  military wanted at least 20,000 and that we did as well and tried to negotiate  that and couldn't with the Maliki government in Iraq.  What is your take on  this? 
 Stephen Hadley: Well I think Vice President Biden's quote makes it  quite clear that they were not -- the administration was not interested in  having 10 - 20,000 troops there. That's a decision they made. I think others,  including myself, I would have made a different decision.  But I think we have  to look going forward, I think it's great that Prime Minister Maliki was here. I  think it's good that they're focusing on the Strategic Framework Agreement which  is a framework [negotiated by the Bush Administration] for an ongoing  relationship between Iraq and the United States with political, economic and  security dimensions.  And I hope they are exploiting that agreement in laying  out a framework for a relationship going forward that includes a vehicle for  helping to continue training Iraqi security forces and help them incorporate  into their force structure the new hardware that they're doing and help them the  counter -- counter-terrorism operations they need to do so Iran cannot  destabilize the position in Iraq.    Andrea Mitchell: On that point, our new collegaue Ted Koppel, on    Rock Center [with Brian  Williams,  NBC Monday night], showed just how exposed our new consulate is in Basra  and how much security is being built in and, as you know very well, we have  17,000 American civilians, contractors, diplomats, CIA and other personnel still  at our Embassy and outposts in Iraq.  How vulnerable are we and how much can we  rely on the Maliki government to withstand Iranian influence?   Stephen Hadley: The Iraqis have made it clear that they are Iraqis  first and Shia second.  And we always felt in the end that Iraqi nationalism  will trump Shi'a-ism.  I think that is true.  And I think Maliki showed that in  2008 when he went south [Basra] and took on an Iranian-backed militia [Moqtada  al-Sadr's Mahdi militia] that he is an Iraqi first.  That is very important.   But look we never tried to do what we're doing in Iraq now through a stricly  State Department mission.  And that's another reason many people think if we  left 10 to 20,000 American troops there, it would make it easier to ensure  security so that our State Department people can do what they need to do in this  situation going forward, to help strengthen ties between the United States and  Iraq.        First, Andrea noted published reports on the numbers of US troops that were  tossed around.  She's correct but I'll note that we can establish 16,000 via  Congressional testimony (because some will say, "Those are unsourced  reports! Anonymous sources!" and they'll be right in some cases). So  Congressional testimony, this exchange is between Senator John McCain and Chair  of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey.   Senator John McCain: Since you brought up regrettably, General  Dempsey, 2003 and 2004. The fact is that you did not support the surge and said  that it would fail. Secretary Panetta was part of the Iraq Study Group which  recommended withdrawal from Iraq and opposed the surge. And so we're all  responsible for the judgments that we make and obviously that effects the  crediblity of the judgments that we make now on Iraq. I regret that you had to  bring that up, General Dempsey.  The fact is that there were some of us who were  over there in those years you talked about, in fact, maybe even had other  members of their family there and saw that it was failing and that we needed to  have the surge and the surge succeeded. And the fact is that we could have given  sovereign immunity as we have in other countries to keep our troops there and  give them the immunity that they needed.  We have other agreements with other  countries that guarantee sovereign immunity. The fact is, that every military  leader recommended that we have residual forces at minimum of 10,000 and usually  around 20,000.  That was the recommendations made before this committee by  General [Ray] Odierno, recommendations made by General [David] Petraeus,  recommendations made by  even lower ranking military who had spent, as you  mentioned a great amount of time there and did not want to see that service and  sacrifice all wasted away because of our inability and lack of desire to reach  an agreement with Iraqis.  As I said in my opening statement, Iraqis are largely  responsible as well.  But the fact is that when Senator Lieberman, Senator  Graham and I were there the Iraqis were ready to deal.  And what was the  administration's response? They didn't have a number last May as to our residual  force in Iraq. So as things happen in that country, things fell apart.  Now can  you tell the Committee, General Dempsey, if there was any military commander who  recommended that we completely withdraw from Iraq?       General Martin Dempsey:  Uh, no, Senator. None of us recommended  that we completely withdraw from Iraq.     Senator John McCain: When did we come up with the number of uh  troops that we wanted to remain in Iraq?  Do you know when that final decision  was made as to exact numbers that we wanted?     General Martin Dempsey: Uh, it to my knowledge the process started  in Augustof [20]10 and, as you know, there was a series of possibilities or  options that started at about 16,000 and ended up with about 10[000] and then  migrated to 3[000] and then we ended up with [cross talk] --       Now on Hadley's remarks, I'm not comfortable "And we always felt in the end  that Iraqi nationalism will trump Shi'a-ism."  I don't think (I could be wrong,  I often am) a majority of Americans would find that reassuring considering the  Bush administration's track record on predictions when it comes to Iraq.  We  should also note that his observations re: Iraq and Shi'ites (that a national  identity will trump Shi'ite identity) aren't born out by other observers.  Richard Engel (NBC News -- link is text and videos)  shares many observations in his report today and they include:   When I looked closely, I noticed three words were engraved on the  cups: Allah, Mohammed and Ali. Including the name Ali, Mohammed's son-in-law,  has only one meaning. Ali is the patron of all Shiites. These were Shiite cups.   Even the tea at the tourism authority was being served in Shiite  cups.  The tourism official is like most government officials in Baghdad  these days.  He's a religious Shiite from one of the many Shiite political  parties. He served our TV crew sweet tea in small hourglass shaped  cups.    There are people who want a national identity.  But, talk to political  experts, they tended to support Iraqiya in the 2010 elections, the political  slate which came in first, the one the US government helped prevent from  becoming the rulers to keep Nouri al-Maliki on as prime minister.  In addition  to them, many of the youth protesters in Iraq strongly favor a national  identity.  A national identity could win out.  But saying that it has is  incorrect and saying that it will is a prediction and not a fact.  It should  also be noted that 2 of the 15 provinces Baghdad controls are attempting to  become semi-autonomous and, no, that's not a good indicator that a national  identity it 'trump'ing in Iraq.   Other than that, Hadley's underscoring (lightly*) that a stupid thing was  done last night on MSNBC when Joe Biden declared that they would have turned  down a request for 20,000.  (A) It flies in the face of previously reported  claims.  (B) It fuels points made in that Senate Armed Services Committee by  Senators McCain, Joe Lieberman and Lindsey Graham.  (C) If things go bad in Iraq  -- especially if US hostages or US deaths take place after January 1st, Joe just  gave video for his critics to play constantly.       Iraq has repeatedly refused to flow with the never-ending waves of  Operation Happy Talk.  That's from this administration and the previous one. No  'turned corner' ever stayed turned if, in fact, one was reached.  And Joe knows  that.  It was a stupid remark for him to make.  I know Joe, he's a great person  but I cannot believe that he made that remark.  It would have been bad enough in  print but to give the GOP video for campaign ads?   Can you imagine the ads if Iraq doesn't live up to the Happy Talk (and it  never has before)?  Let's say there are two hostages or two brutal deaths -- and  most likely it would be Moqtada's militias -- picture something like the killing  of Blackwater contractors in Falluja in 2004.  And they've got photos of  something like that to run Joe's comments over?  It won't be pretty.    [*Hadley also lightly but very clearly stated that Barack should have given  the order for the US drone -- now in the possession of the Iranian government --  to have been detonated so that it would not have ended up in the possession of  the Iranian government.  His argument is that technology is now at risk. That's  probably what most people will take away from Andrea Mitchell's discussion with  him.]    While we're on the topic of statements Joe shouldn't have made, we'll  note this from Patrick Cockburn's "Wars without victory equal an  America without influence" (Independent):
 This is misleading spin, carefully orchestrated to  allow Mr Obama to move into the presidential election year boasting that he has  ended an unpopular war without suffering a defeat. We already had a foretaste of  this a couple of weeks ago, when Vice President Joe Biden visited Baghdad to  laud US achievements.
 Over the years,  Iraqis have become used to heavily guarded foreign dignitaries arriving secretly  in Baghdad to claim great progress on all fronts before scurrying home again.  But even by these lowly standards, Mr Biden's performance sounded comically  inept. "It was the usual Biden menu of gaffe, humour and pomposity delivered  with unmistakable self-confidence and no particular regard for the facts on the  ground," writes the Iraq expert Reidar Visser. Mr Biden even tried to win the  hearts of Iraqis by referring to the US achievement in building hospitals in  Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan on the Caspian Sea, a city he apparently  believes is located somewhere in Iraq.
 Republican candidates in the presidential election  have been denigrated and discredited by gaffes like this. It is a measure of Mr  Biden's reputation for overlong, tedious speeches that the US media did not  notice his ignorance of Middle East geography. Dr Visser points out that "when  Biden says 'we were able to turn lemons into lemonade', refers to 'a political  culture based on free elections and the rule of law', and even highlights  'Iraq's emerging, inclusive political culture ... as the ultimate guarantor of  stability', he is simply making things up." Sadly, Iraq is a much divided wreck  of a country.
 
 
   Nouri al-Maliki continued his visit to the US. Al  Sabaah reports that immunity for US troops was raised to Nouri  by Barack and Nouri, according to an unnamed Iraqi who is part of the delegation  visiting the US, refused to make any promises. Having just gotten 18 more F-16s  approved this week, Nouri is now angling for drones as well. Dar Addustour notes that Nouri and  Barack laid reefs at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and that Moqtada al-Sadr is  criticizing the visit and the talks on immunity.
 In a longer story  focusing just on Moqtada's criticism, Dar Addustour notes that Moqtada  and his bloc are stating that the US is attempting to weaken Iraq as well as the  Arab and Islamic world and that economic agreements are being dangled in an  attempt to trick the Iraqi politicians. Iraq continuing to be under Chapter VII  at the UN is raised and the Sadr bloc states that this is proof that the US is  not sincere. The continued occupation via the US Embassy is called out as well.  But the trip to the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier especially results in a tongue  lashing at Nouri, "Maliki's visit to that tomb of the dead Americans in  Washington is an insult to the blood the dead of Iraq. It would have shown more  respect for Maliki to visit the cemetery in Najaf."
 
 Still on Moqtada, Aswat al-Iraq reports, "Shiite  Sadrist Trend leader called not to interfere in Syrian events, pointing that it  is a country with sovereignty and dignity. Muqtada al-Sadr expressed his concern  of the foreign intervention and internationalization of this case. On the other  hand, a Sadrist MP denied news of sending militias to Syria to suppress the  protests there, describing these accusations as aimed against the political  process in Iraq."
 
 Tensions abound in Iraq. Al  Sabaah reports on issue raised in Parliament this week  including Turkey's building another damn on a river thta flows through Dohuk  Province (part of the Kurdistan Regional Government) which has damaged the water  resources and Turkey's non-response to complaints led for calls to take this  issue to the international courts. Jim Michaels (USA Today) explores Iraqi concerns  and observes, "An inability to finalize a government 22 months after elections  has raised concerns about the sincerity of Shiite Prime Minister Nouri  al-Maliki's efforts to form a coalition representing all Iraqis." Still on  tensions, Kelly McEvers (NPR's Morning Edition, link has audio and text)  reports that when the US turned over a base in disputed and oil-rich  Kirkuk, the Iraqi military and the Peshmerga both attempted to claim it leading  to six-hour standoff which included drawing guns on one another.
 
 Kelly McEvers: The standoff is an illustration of the larger  problem in Kirkuk. Kurds want to regain control of a city they say was once  theirs. Arabs don't want to let go of a city that they settled in at the  encouragement of Saddam. Turkmen, Christians, and other ethnic groups are caught  somewhere in the middle. In a market in the center of Kirkuk, most people are  afraid to talk about the departure of the Americans, and who could help the  Kurds and Arabs resolve their differences now that U.S. troops are leaving. One  young Arab, named Mustafa, says his family was offered about $17,000 as part of  a government program to move Arabs out of Kirkuk. But that wasn't  enough.   Kirkuk was a site of violence today.  Reuters notes 1 Kurdish security  official was wounded in a Kirkuk shooting, a Kirkuk sticky bombing injured one  person, 1 Iraqi soldier was injured in an attack on a Mosul military checkpoint,  a Mosul roadside bombing injured a woman, a police colonel was injured in a  Baghdad shooting, a Baghdad roadside bombing injured three people and 2 Tal Afar  car bombings claimed "at least" 3 lives and left thirty-five people  injured.   Kael Alford (MSNBC) has a photo  series up from her return to Iraq over the summe and in the text of  her essay, she notes:
 
 When I returned  this summer, the violence had diminished but was once again climbing. On the  morning of my arrival in Baghdad, a loud explosion shook me awake. At first I  thought it was a nightmare, but a characteristic second explosion a few minutes  later confirmed I wasn't dreaming. The target was a Turkish restaurant across  the street from the compound where I was staying. No motive was known, and  luckily no one was injured at that early hour. A week later, even the shattered  glass of the nearby windows had been replaced and life returned to  normal.
 
 Also offering a photo essay on Iraqis is Shannon  Stapelton (Reuters). Stephen Farrell and the New York Times' Baghdad Bureau  survey a variety of Iraqis about their thoughts as the US military is  repostured.
Nour Kasim, 30,  Housewife
 1. It is not the right time  for America to leave Iraq with such internal conflicts and the security  situation so unstable and unsafe. We need more time to stabilize security and to  be ready for any external confrontation. I don't think Iraq is ready to do this  alone.
 2. I don't know exactly the  American goals, but I believe that they achieved them, otherwise they wouldn't  decide to leave. I don't have any problem with America, Saddam or any ruling  party because I don't get myself involved in politics. I hope Iraq will be  liberated, but we have to be able to protect our country first.
 
       |